Choose the Statements That Are True of the Medieval Arts

Almost every culture has given (and continues to give) some thought to their visual objects– what nosotros may telephone call "fine art." To begin your readings, nosotros will explore some ideas of art from the Western tradition from the Middle Ages to today. This introductory chapter is longer than well-nigh of the other readings, and you should brainstorm to encounter how hard it is to understand this thing we telephone call "fine art."

Role i: Medieval to Renaissance

Nosotros brainstorm by considering the production and consumption of art from the Crusades through to the menstruation of the Catholic Reformation. The focus is on art in medieval and Renaissance Christendom, but this does non imply that Europe was insular during this menstruation. The period witnessed the slow erosion of the crusader states in the Holy Land, finally relinquished in 1291, and of the Greek Byzantine world until Constantinople cruel to the Ottomans in 1453. Columbus made his voyage to the Americas in 1492. Medieval Christendom was well aware of its neighbors. Trade, affairs, and conquest connected Christendom to the wider world, which in plow had an touch on on art.

Any notion of the humble medieval creative person oblivious to anything beyond his own immediate environment must exist dispelled. Artists and patrons were well enlightened of artistic developments in other countries. Artists traveled both inside and between countries and on occasion even between continents. Such mobility was facilitated past the network of European courts, which were instrumental in the rapid spread of Italian Renaissance art. Europe-wide frameworks of philosophical and theological thought, reaching dorsum to antiquity and governing religious art, applied – admitting with regional variations – throughout Europe.

Art, Visual Culture, and Skill

The term 'visual culture' is used here in preference to 'fine art' for the fundamental reason that the arts earlier 1600 were wide-ranging, including media today that nosotros might deem within the realm of craft and non fine art. The Latin give-and-take 'ars' signified skilled work; it did not hateful art as we might understand it today, merely a craft activity enervating a high level of technical ability, including tapestry weaving, goldsmith's work, and embroidery. Literary statements of what constituted the arts during the medieval period are rare, particularly in northern Europe, but proliferate in the Renaissance. Giorgio Vasari (1511–74), the biographer of Italian artists, claimed in his famous bookLe vite de' più eccelenti pittori, scultori e architettori (Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects; commencement edition 1550 and revised 1568) that the builder Filippo Brunelleschi (1377–1446) was initially apprenticed to a goldsmith 'to the cease that he might acquire design' (Vasari, 1996 [1568], vol. 1, p. 326). According to Vasari, several other Italian Renaissance artists are supposed to have trained initially as goldsmiths, including the sculptors Ghiberti (1378–1455) and Verrocchio (1435–88), and the painters Botticelli (c.1445–1510) and Ghirlandaio (1448/49–94). The design skills necessary for goldsmiths' work were evidently a skillful foundation for future artistic success.

Medieval and Renaissance Visual Culture

The term 'visual culture' is also used for a second reason that is less to do with definition than with method. Including the diverse arts under the umbrella of 'visual civilization' implies their inseparability from the visual rhetoric of ability on the one hand, and the fabric culture of a society on the other. Before 1500 art was primarily part of the persuasive power and cultural identity of the church, ruler, city, institution, or the wealthy patron commissioning the artwork. In this sense, art might be considered alongside ceremonies, for example, as strategies carrying social meaning or magnificence, or as a sit-in of wealth and power by the patron commissioning the artwork to exist made.

In later centuries art evolves into purely an aesthetic entity, prompting scrutiny for its own sake alone. The intent of the varied forms of fine art produced during the medieval and Renaissance menstruation lie outside this definition. Objects were made that invited attentive scrutiny for their ingenuity in design, while at the same time fulfilling a variety of functions. No one in medieval times would take bothered to commission works of art unless they could assume that their contemporaries would understand and perhaps be influenced past their chatty power. For case, the wealthy lavished money on rich artifacts or dynastic portraits in part because these objects were a way of communicating their exclusiveness and social power to their contemporaries.

Artistic Quality

The fact that a work of art had a function did not hateful that artistic quality was a matter of indifference. Some artists' guilds required candidates to submit a 'masterpiece' for examination past the guild in order to win the status of main. Those scrutinizing the masterpieces must have had a clear idea of the criteria of quality they were hoping for, fifty-fifty if these criteria were never set downward in writing. The careful selection of artists even from far-flung locations, and the preference for one practitioner above some other, shows that patrons too were quite capable of discriminating on the basis of artistic prowess. A piece of work of art during the medieval and Renaissance menses was expected to be of high quality as well as purposeful.

Artists and Patrons

Famously, in 1516, the renowned Renaissance creative person Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) was invited to the French court of Francis I (ruled 1515–47), perhaps not so much for the work that he might produce at what was then an advanced age, equally out of adoration and presumably for the prestige that the presence of such a renowned figure might endow on the French court. The advocacy of artistic status is frequently associated with princely employment. Patron is the term for the person or entity who commissions or hires the artist to create artwork. Given the example of Leonardo da Vinci, this appears to make sense. Maintained on a salary, a court artist was no longer a jobbing craftsman constantly on the watch for piece of work. Potentially, at to the lowest degree, he had access to projects demanding inventiveness and conferring honor, and time to lavish on his art and on study. Equally, even so, court artists might exist required to undertake mundane and routine work which they could not very well refuse. Court salaries were also often in arrears or non paid at all. In the aforementioned letter of the alphabet in which Leone Leoni described Charles V chatting with him for ii to 3 hours at a fourth dimension, he complains of his poverty, while carefully qualifying the complaint by claiming he serves the emperor for honor and cares for studying not moneymaking. The lot of the courtroom artist might appear to fulfill aspirations for creative status, but information technology certainly had its drawbacks.

Patterns of Artistic Employment: Workshop, Society, and Court Employment

The pattern of artistic employment in the medieval flow and the Renaissance varied. Traditionally, craftsmen working on corking churches would exist employed in workshops on site, albeit often for some length of time; during the form of their career, such craftsmen might move several times from i project to another. Many other artists moved around in search of new opportunities of employment, fifty-fifty to the extent of accompanying a crusade. Artists working for European courts might travel extensively every bit well, not only inside a country but from country to country and court to court: El Greco (1541–1614) moved betwixt three different countries earlier finding employment not at the royal court in Kingdom of spain merely in the city of Toledo.

A fixed artist'due south workshop depended not only on local institutional and individual patronage, only often also on the willingness of clients from further afield to come to the artist rather than the artist traveling to piece of work for clients.

A gild served 3 master functions: promoting the social welfare of its members, maintaining the quality of its products and protecting its members from contest. This commonly meant defining quite carefully the materials and tools that a guild member was allowed to use to forbid activities that infringed the privileges of other guilds and for which they had non been trained, for instance a carpenter producing wood sculpture.

It is the protection from competition that art historians have seen as eliminating artistic freedom, but it is worth pausing to wonder whether this view owes more to modern free-market economics than to the realities of fifteenth-century craft practices. In practice, information technology meant that domestic craftsmen enjoyed preferential membership rates, merely in many artistic centers foreign craftsmen were clearly likewise welcomed so long as their piece of work reflected favorably on the reputation of the order.

Equally the contend near artistic status grew, the real disadvantage of the club system for artists was not so much lack of liberty or profitability or even status so much as the connotations of manual craft attached to the guild arrangement of apprenticeship as opposed to the 'liberal' training offered past the art academies.

Role ii: Academy to Advanced

Nosotros now consider the fundamental developments in the definition of art between c.1600 and c.1850.

From Office to Autonomy

The most of import idea for this purpose is the concept of art itself, which came to be defined in the mode that we even so broadly sympathise it today during the form of the centuries explored here.

This concept rests on a stardom betwixt art, on the one hand, and craft, on the other. It assumes that a work of fine art is to be appreciated and valued for its own sake, whereas other types of artifacts serve a functional purpose. A significant step in this direction was made by a group of painters and sculptors who in 1563 set upward an Accademia del Disegno (Academy of Design) in Florence in order to distinguish themselves from craftsmen organized in guilds. Their central merits was that the arts they practiced were 'liberal' or intellectual rather than 'mechanical' or practical. Subsequently 1600, academies of art were founded in cities throughout Europe, including Paris (1648) and London (1768). Nearly offered training in compages as well every bit in painting and sculpture. A decisive shift took place in the mid eighteenth century, when the three 'arts of design' began to exist classified along with poetry and music in a new category of 'fine arts' (a translation of the French term, 'beaux-arts'). Other arts, such as landscape gardening, were sometimes included in this category. Architecture was occasionally excluded on the grounds that information technology was useful as well as cute, merely the fine arts were usually defined in terms broad plenty to encompass it. One writer, for example, described them equally 'the offspring of genius; they have nature for model, sense of taste for master, pleasure for aim' (Jacques Lacombe,Dictionnaire Portatif des Beaux-Arts, 1753 (1st edn 1752), p. forty, as translated in Shiner, 2001, p. 88).

From the Sacred to the Courtly

To chart what these conceptual shifts meant in exercise, we can borrow the categories elaborated by the cultural theorist Peter Bürger (1984, pp. 47–8), who outlines a long-term shift abroad from the functions that fine art traditionally served. Such functions connected to play an important role after 1600, specially in the seventeenth century, when academies were rare outside Italy and many artists still belonged to guilds. As in the medieval period, the primary function was religious (or, in Bürger's terminology, 'sacral'). The and so-called Counter Reformation gave a great heave to Roman Catholic patronage of the arts, as the church sought to renew itself in the aftermath of the Protestant Reformation. Information technology was in this context that the discussion 'propaganda' originated; information technology can exist traced back to 1622 when Pope Gregory XV (reigned 1621–23) founded the Congregazio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for the Propagation of Religion) in Rome. The commitment to spreading the faith that this arrangement embodied helped to shape art non just in Europe but in every part of the world reached past the Catholic Missions, notably Asia and the Americas, throughout the menstruation explored here. The churches that rejected the authorisation of Rome also played a role in supporting 'sacral art', primarily architecture since their utilize of other art forms was limited by Protestant strictures against 'Popish' idolatry (see for case Levy, 2004; Bailey, 1999; Haynes, 2006). Even in Catholic countries, nevertheless, the religious uses of fine art slowly declined relative to secular ones. The seventeenth century is the terminal in western art history in which a major canonical figure similar the Italian painter Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610) might notwithstanding be a primarily religious artist.

Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, The Death of the Virgin, 1601–03, oil on canvas, 369 × 245 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris.

Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio,The Death of the Virgin, 1601–03, oil on canvas, 369 × 245 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Photograph: Web Gallery of Art, CC By-SA. Work is in the public domain.

Bürger's Functions of Art: the Courtly

By 1600, it was 'courtly art' (Bürger's 2d category) that increasingly prevailed in much of Europe. 'Courtly fine art' can be defined as consisting primarily of fine art actually produced at a royal or princely courtroom, only also extending beyond it to include works of fine art that more mostly promote the leisured lifestyle of an aristocratic elite. As in the Renaissance, artists served the needs of rulers by surrounding them with an aura of splendor and glory. In this context, fine art was integrated into the courtly or aristocratic way of life, as part of a culture of spectacle, which functioned to distinguish the nobles who frequented the court from other social classes and to legitimate the ruler'due south ability in the eyes of the world (encounter for example, Elias, 1983; Adamson, 1999; Blanning, 2002). The consolidation of power in the hands of a adequately minor number of European monarchs meant that their need for ideological justification was all the greater and and then too were the resources they had at their disposal for the purpose. Exemplary in this respect is the French king Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715), who harnessed the arts to the service of his own autocratic dominion in the most conspicuous manner imaginable. From 1661 onwards, he employed the architects Louis Le Vau (1612/13–1670) and Jules Hardouin-Mansart (1648–1708), the painter Charles Le Brun (1619–ninety) and the landscape gardener André Le Nôtre (1613–1700), among many others, to create the vast and lavish palace of Versailles, non far from Paris. Every aspect of its design glorified the king, not least by celebrating the armed forces exploits that made French republic the dominant power in Europe during his reign.

The Salon de la Guerre (War room), Château de Versailles, designed by Jules Hardouin-Mansart, showing plaster relief by Antoine Coysevox of Louis XIV trampling over his enemies, 1678–86. 

The Salon de la Guerre (War room), Château de Versailles, designed by Jules Hardouin-Mansart, showing plaster relief by Antoine Coysevox of Louis 14 trampling over his enemies, 1678–86. Photograph: Jebulon. CCO

Bürger'south Functions of Art: Bourgeois Fine art

By 1800, yet, the predominant category was what Bürger calls 'conservative art'. His use of this term reflects his reliance on a broadly Marxist conceptual framework, which views artistic developments as being driven ultimately by social and economic alter (Bürger, 1984, p. 47; Hemingway and Vaughan, 1998). Such fine art is conservative in then far every bit information technology owed its existence to the growing importance of trade and industry in Europe since the late medieval menstruum, which gave ascension to an increasingly large and influential wealthy middle course. Exemplary in this respect is seventeenth-century Dutch painting, the distinctive features and sheer profusion of which were both made possible by a large population of relatively affluent urban center-dwellers. In other countries, the commercialization of society and the urban development that went with it tended to accept place more slowly. Britain, withal, chop-chop caught up with kingdom of the netherlands; by 1680, London was being transformed into a mod city characterized by novel uses of space too equally by new building types. Hither too, artists produced images that were affordable and appealing to a middle-class audience; notable in this respect was William Hogarth (1697–1764), who began his career working in the comparatively cheap medium of engraving. Even his famous set of paintings Marriage A-la-Fashion, which satirizes the manners and morals of fashionable guild, was primarily intended as a model for prints to be made afterwards them. Hogarth's piece of work, like that of many other artists of the period, embodies a sense of didactic purpose, in accordance with the prevailing view that fine art should aim both to 'instruct and delight'.

William Hogarth, Marriage A-la-Mode: 2, The Tête à Tête, circa 1743.

William Hogarth, Marriage A-la-Fashion: 2, The Tête à Tête, circa 1743. Piece of work is in the public domain.

What fundamentally distinguishes 'bourgeois fine art' from previous categories, nevertheless, is its lack of whatever actual function. Its defining feature, co-ordinate to Bürger, is its autonomy, which he defines as 'art's independence from society' (Bürger, 1984, p. 35). Equally nosotros have seen, a formulation of 'fine art' as a category apart from everyday needs was formalized in the mid eighteenth century. What this meant in practice is best demonstrated by the case of easel painting, which had become the dominant pictorial form past 1600. Unlike an altarpiece or a fresco, this kind of moving picture has no stock-still identify; instead, its frame serves to dissever it from its surroundings, allowing it to be hung in well-nigh any setting. Its value lies not in whatsoever use every bit such, but in the ease with which it tin can be bought and sold (or what Marxists call its 'substitution value'). In taking the grade of a commodity, easel-painting accords with the commercial priorities of bourgeois club, even though what appears within the frame may exist far removed from these priorities. Art's previous functions did non simply vanish, even so, not least because the nobility and its values retained considerable ability and prestige.

Ultimately more important than such residual courtly functions, notwithstanding, is the distinctly paradoxical mode that art in bourgeois society at once preserves and transforms art'due south sacral functions. Autonomous fine art does not promote Christian beliefs and practices, equally religious art traditionally did, but rather is treated past art lovers as itself the source of a special kind of experience, a rarefied or even spiritual pleasure. This type of pleasure is at present called 'aesthetic', a word that was coined in 1735, by Alexander Baumgarten, though it was just towards the end of the eighteenth century that writers began to talk about their experience of art in such high-flown quasi-religious terms (for examples, see Shiner, 2001, pp. 135–six). What this boils downwardly to is that fine art increasingly functioned during this menstruation as a cult in its ain right, sometimes referred to as the artwork's aureola, one in which the creative person of genius replaces God the creator as the source of significant and value. This exalted conception of fine art consolidated the separation between the artist and the craftsman, which had motivated the foundation of the Florentine Academy some 2 centuries earlier.

Patronage

In exploring artistic developments from the years c. 1600 to c. 1850, the first structure or institution to consider is that of patronage. As in the Renaissance, many artists worked for patrons, who commissioned them to execute works of art in accordance with their requirements. Patronage played an of import office throughout the period, most obviously in the case of big-calibration projects for a specific location that could not exist undertaken without a commission. Exemplary in this respect is the work that the sculptor (and builder) Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680) carried out at St Peter's Basilica in Rome for a succession of popes from the 1620s onwards. Landscape gardening is another case in point. Artists also executed on commission for a patron works that, though non really immoveable, involved too much adventure to exist executed 'on spec', in the hope that someone would come along and purchase them later on they were completed, either because they were large and expensive or because they did not make for easy viewing. Both considerations applied in the example of David's The Oath of the Horatii, a huge picture of a tragic subject painted in an uncompromising style, which was commissioned by the French land. An artist profoundly in need such as the sculptor Antonio Canova (1757–1822) would as well tend to piece of work on commission; in his case, the grandest patrons from across Europe sometimes waited for years to receive a statue by the master, even though he maintained (as both Bernini and Rubens also did) a big workshop to assist him in his labors.

Finally, portraiture was a genre that, with rare exceptions, such as the portrait of Omai by Sir Joshua Reynolds (1723–92), required a patron to commission an creative person to take a likeness.

From Patronage to the Open Marketplace

Nevertheless, the period afterward 1600 saw a shift away from patronage towards the open market place. This shift accompanied the gradual decline of 'sacral' and 'courtly' fine art, both of which were ordinarily executed on commission. Consider the case of Caravaggio's Death of the Virgin, an altarpiece deputed for the church building of Santa Maria della Scala in Rome in 1601. In the event, the resolutely human terms in which the painter depicted the subject and the unidealised treatment of the figures scandalized the monks responsible for the church. The painting was therefore put upwardly for sale, heady intense interest amidst artists, dealers and collectors; it was snapped up (at a high price) by the Duke of Mantua, on the advice of Rubens, who was so employed as the duke's court painter (Langdon, 1998, pp. 246–51, 317–xviii). Thus a functional religious artifact was transformed into a secular artwork, acclaimed every bit a masterpiece past a famous artist and sold to a princely collector, for whom the possession of such a work was a matter of personal prestige. The comparable transformation of ladylike art in response to the marketplace can be illustrated by reference to some other pic immediately displaced from the location for which it was painted. In 1721, the Flemish-built-in creative person Antoine Watteau (1684–1721) painted a large canvas as a shop sign for his friend, the Parisian art dealer Edme Gersaint. Information technology shows the kind of elegant figures that the creative person typically painted, but here, rather than engaging in aristocratic leisure and dalliance in a park-like setting, they are scrutinizing items for auction in an art dealer's store; a portrait of Louis 14 is being packed away into a instance, equally if to mark the passing of the era of one thousand courtly art. Rapidly sold to a wealthy (though not aristocratic) collector, Gersaint's Shop Sign exemplifies the style that Watteau repackaged ladylike ideals for the market to reach a wider audition. The painting also shows how fine art collecting became a refined pastime for the social aristocracy, in which art dealers played a crucial role (McClellan, 1996).

Antoine Watteau, Gersaint's Shop Sign, 1720–21, oil on canvas, 151 × 306 cm. Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin.

Antoine Watteau, Gersaint'due south Shop Sign, 1720–21, oil on sail, 151 × 306 cm. Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin. Work is in the public domain.

Every bit these two examples demonstrate, more than market-oriented structures and practices emerged in countries such as Italy and France from the end of the Renaissance onwards (see Haskell, 1980; Pomian, 1990; Posner, 1993; N and Ormrod, 1998). Withal, the trend towards commercialization is fifty-fifty more than striking elsewhere: for example, in the growth of big-scale speculative edifice in late seventeenth-century London. Every bit already noted, the emergence of 'bourgeois art' (as distinct from architecture) is all-time exemplified by the Netherlands, where about artists produced small-scale easel paintings for auction. This model of creative practise went hand in hand with the ascension of art dealers and other features of the modern art earth, such every bit public auctions and auction catalogues (see Montias, 1982; North, 1997; Montias, 2002). In important respects, the Dutch instance remains idiosyncratic, only nevertheless the genres of painting that dominated in this context – that is, portraiture, mural, scenes of everyday life and still life – soon became the virtually popular and successful elsewhere in Europe too. Information technology was not just subject matter that counted, withal; increasing emphasis was also placed on the distinctive brushwork of the individual artist and on the skills of connoisseurship that both dealers and collectors needed in order to recognize and capeesh the 'hand' of each 'main' and, of course, to distinguish genuine works from misattributed ones and outright forgeries. Exemplary in this respect is the piece of work of Rembrandt; it was thanks above all to his exceptionally broad and hence highly distinctive handling of pigment that he came to be generally regarded equally the greatest of all post-Renaissance artists by the mid nineteenth century. As a result of these developments, painting increasingly tended to overshadow other art forms, especially tapestry, which lost its previous high condition with the decline of courtly fine art.

The Public Sphere

The emergence of a recognizably modern art world between 1600 and 1850 formed role of the development of the 'public sphere', as it has been defined by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Habermas argues that the belatedly seventeenth century onwards saw a shift away from 'representational culture', which embodied and displayed the power of the ruler and nobility, as courtly art traditionally did. It was replaced by a new urban civilisation, the 'conservative public sphere', which was brought into being by individual individuals, that is, middle-class people like merchants and lawyers, who came together to exchange news and ideas, giving rising to new cultural institutions, such as newspapers, clubs, lending libraries and public theatres (Habermas, 1989 [1962]; Blanning, 2002). A pioneering role in this respect was played by London every bit a consequence of the limited power of the monarch, which meant that the courtroom dominated civilization much less than information technology did in France at the same fourth dimension. Public interest in art grew rapidly during the eighteenth century, aided by an expanding print culture, which immune the circulation of high-art images to an ever larger audience (see Pears, 1988; Clayton, 1997). In both London and Paris, large audiences also attended the exhibitions that began to be held during the middle decades of the century. The starting time public museums were established around the same time. Most were royal and princely collections opened up to the public, whether as a benevolent gesture on the ruler's part or, in the case of the Louvre, by the French Revolutionary government in 1793 (McClellan, 1994; Sheehan, 2000; Prior, 2002). However, it was a charitable bequest from an art dealer that led to the creation of the first public fine art museum in Britain; housed in a edifice designed for the purpose by the architect Sir John Soane (1753–1837), Dulwich College Picture Gallery opened to the public in 1817.

The Art Museum and the Painting of Current Events

With the establishment of the art museum, the autonomy of fine art gained its defining establishment. In a museum, a piece of work of art could be viewed purely for its own sake, without reference to its traditional functions. Yet, as indicated above, art's autonomy was far from complete. From around 1800 onwards, for example, the public sphere likewise opened up the possibility that artists might try to bridge the gap dividing fine art from society by independently producing works that engaged with current events, as the French painter Théodore Géricault (1791–1824) did in his vast picture, The Raft of the Medusa. This and comparable works past other French artists, notably Liberty Leading the People by Eugène Delacroix (1798–1863), which was painted just afterward the July Revolution of 1830, are often seen equally having inaugurated a new tradition of politically committed modern or 'avant-garde' art, which came to the fore towards the end of the nineteenth century. However, information technology was during this menstruum that the French military term 'avant garde' (meaning a section of an regular army that goes ahead of the remainder) came to exist practical to works of art. Information technology was first used in this sense in a text published in 1825 under the name of the Utopian Socialist Henri de Saint-Simon, who argued that artists could help to transform society past spreading 'new ideas amidst men' (Harrison et al., 1998, p. xl). Although he does not seem to have had whatever specific type of art in heed, his accent on its function equally a ways of communication makes it plausible to apply the term to works such as The Raft of the Medusa and Liberty Leading the People, which convey a political message on a large scale and to striking effect.

Eugène Delacroix, Liberty Leading the People, 1830, oil on canvas, 260 × 325 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris.

Eugène Delacroix, Liberty Leading the People, 1830, oil on canvas, 260 × 325 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Work is in the public domain.

For present purposes, however, what is important about these two paintings is the way that they depended on the institutions of the public sphere. Rather than being commissioned by a patron, each was intended first and foremost for brandish at the official art exhibition in Paris known equally the Salon. Both, moreover, were bought by the state for the Luxembourg museum, which was founded in 1818 to firm modern French art (though, in Géricault's case, not until several years later). Indeed Delacroix may have painted his picture in the hope or even the expectation that this would happen, since ii of the artist'due south works had already entered the museum. It should too be noted that such aggressive and challenging works were very much the exception, fifty-fifty in France and much more and so in other countries where the state did not support living artists in the same way. Most of them earned a living by catering to the demands of the market, typically by specializing in a particular genre, such every bit portraiture. In this respect, the get-go half of the nineteenth century is continuous with the previous two centuries, during which loftier-status works by celebrated artists besides constituted only a small-scale part of the wide field of visual civilisation. Rather than tracing a single narrative of fine art'due south evolution from the institution of the academies to the ancestry of the avant-garde, it is important to be aware of its diverseness and complexity throughout western Europe during this catamenia.

Role 3: Modernity to Globalization

This section addresses art and architecture from around 1850 upward to the present.

During this period, art changed across recognition. The various academies all the same held sway in Europe. It is true that the hierarchy of the genres was breaking down and the classical platonic was becoming less convincing.

What counted as art in much of the nineteenth century remained pretty stable. Whether in sculpture, painting, drawing or printmaking, artworks represented recognizable subjects in a apparent human-centered infinite. To exist certain, subjects became less loftier-flown, compositional effects often deliberately jarring and surface handling more than explicit. In that location were plenty of academicians and commentators who believed these changes amounted to the end of civilization, but from today's perspective they seem like pocket-sized shifts of emphasis.

In contrast, art in the first part of the twentieth century underwent rapid modify. Art historians agree that during this time artists began to radically revise picture making and sculpture. With the invention of photography and it being employed as the dominant conveyor of realism, painting undergoes a period of experimentation. Painters flattened out pictorial space, broke with conventional viewpoints and discarded local color. ('Local color' is the term used for the colour things appear in the world. From the early twentieth century, painters began to experiment with non-local colour.) Sculptors began to leave the surface of their works in a rough, seemingly unfinished country; they increasingly created partial figures and abandoned plinths or, alternatively, inflated the scale of their bases. Architects abandoned revivalist styles and rich ornament. To have one oft cited case from painting, while the art of Paul Cézanne (1839–1906) is based on a recognizable motif, say a landscape, when looking at these paintings we become the distinct impression that the overall organization of the colors and structural elements matters as much or more than the scene depicted. To retain fidelity to his sense impressions, Cézanne is compelled to detect a new order and coherence internal to the canvas. Frequently this turns into incoherence as he tries to manage the tension between putting marks on a flat surface and his external ascertainment of space.

In fifteen years some artists would take this problem – the recognition that making fine art involved attending to its own formal conditions that are not reducible to representing external things – through Cubism to a fully abstruse fine art. Conventionally, this story is told every bit a heroic progression of 'movements' and 'styles', each giving manner to the adjacent in the sequence: Mail-Impressionism, Fauvism, Cubism, Futurism, Dada, Constructivism, Surrealism… Each irresolute of the guard is perceived every bit an advance and almost a necessary next step on the road to some preset goal. This rapid turnover of small groups and personal idioms can seem bewildering and, in fact, this is a minimal version of this story. Whether they sought new expressive resources, novel ways of conveying feel or innovative techniques for representing the modern world, modern artists turned their backs on the tried and tested forms of mimetic resemblance. But what counted as fine art changed too. $.25 of the everyday earth began to be incorporated into artworks – equally collage or montage in two-dimensional art forms; in construction and aggregation in three-dimensional ones. The inclusion of found materials played a fundamental function in modern art. The use of modern materials and technologies – steel, concrete, photography – did something similar. Some artists abased easel painting or sculpture to make straight interventions in the world through the production of usable things, whether chairs or illustrated news magazines. Not all artists elected to piece of work with these new techniques and materials, and many carried on in the traditional means or attempted to adapt them to new circumstances.

Modern Fine art: Autonomy and Responding to the Modern Earth

Broadly speaking, there are two different means of thinking about modern art, or 2 unlike versions of the story. One way is to view art equally something that can exist adept (and idea of) as an activity radically separate from everyday life or worldly concerns. From this point of view, fine art is said to be 'autonomous' from order – that is, it is believed to be self-sustaining and cocky-referring. One particularly influential version of this story suggests that modern fine art should be viewed as a procedure past which features inapplicable to a particular branch of art would be progressively eliminated, and painters or sculptors would come up to concentrate on issues specific to their domain. Some other way of thinking nigh mod art is to view it as responding to the modern globe, and to meet modernistic artists immersing themselves in the conflicts and challenges of society. That is to say, some modern artists sought ways of carrying the changing experiences generated in Europe by the twin processes of commercialization (the commodification of everyday life) and urbanization. From this betoken of view, modern fine art is a manner of reflecting on the transformations that created what we call, in a sort of shorthand, 'modernity'.

The "autonomy" argument presumes that art is self-contained and artists are seen to grapple with technical issues of painting and sculpture, and the signal of reference is to artworks that have gone before. This approach can be described as 'formalist' (paying exclusive attention to formal matters), or, perhaps more productively drawing on a term employed past the critic Meyer Schapiro (1904–96), as 'internalist' (a somewhat less debasing way of saying the same thing) (Schapiro, 1978 [1937]).

Rather than cloaking artifice, mod art, such equally that fabricated by Wassily Kandinsky (1866–1944) drew attention to the conventions, procedures and techniques supposedly 'inherent' in a given grade of art. Modern art set about 'creating something valid solely on its own terms' (Ibid., p. 8). For painting, this meant turning away from illusion and story-telling to concentrate on the features that were cardinal to the practice – producing aesthetic effects by placing marks on a flat, bounded surface. For sculpture, it entailed arranging or assembling forms in space.

Wassily Kandinsky, Landscape with Red Spots, 1913.

Wassily Kandinsky, Landscape with Ruby-red Spots, 1913. Work is in the public domain.

The Emergence of Modern Fine art in Paris

Let's take a footstep back to the eye of the nineteenth century and consider the emergence of modernistic art in Paris. The new art that adult with Gustave Courbet (1819–77), Manet and the Impressionists entailed a self-witting break with the fine art of the past. These modern artists took seriously the representation of their own fourth dimension. In identify of allegorical figures in togas or scenes from the Bible, mod artists concerned themselves with the things effectually them. When asked to include angels in a painting for a church, Courbet is said to have replied 'I accept never seen angels. Testify me an angel and I will paint one.' But these artists were non just empirical recording devices. The formal or technical ways employed in mod art are jarring and unsettling, and this has to be a primal part of the story. A tension between the means and the topics depicted, between surface and subject, is central to what this art was. Nevertheless, we miss something crucial if nosotros do non attend to the artists' choices of subjects. Principally, these artists sought the signs of modify and novelty – multiple details and scenarios that made up contemporary life. This meant they paid a great bargain of attention to the new visual culture associated with commercialized leisure.

The groups of artists producing this art – usually referred to collectively equally the 'avant-garde' or the 'historical advanced' – wanted to fuse art and life, and often based their practice on a socialist rejection of conservative culture. From their position in western Europe, the Dadaists mounted an assault on the irrationalism and violence of militarism and the repressive graphic symbol of capitalist civilisation; in collages, montages, assemblages and performances, they created visual juxtapositions aimed at shocking the middle-class audience and intended to reveal connections hidden behind everyday appearances. The material for this was fatigued from mass-circulation magazines, newspapers and other printed ephemera. The Constructivists participated in the process of edifice a new lodge in the USSR, turning to the creation of utilitarian objects (or, at least, prototypes for them). The Surrealists combined ideas from psychoanalysis and Marxism in an effort to unleash those forces repressed past mainstream guild; the dream imagery is most familiar, but experiments with found objects and collage were likewise prominent. These advanced groups tried to produce more than than refined aesthetic experiences for a restricted audience; they proffered their skills to assist to modify the earth. In this piece of work the cross-over to visual culture is axiomatic; advice media and design played an of import role. Advanced artists began to design volume covers, posters, fabrics, clothing, interiors, monuments and other useful things. They also began to merge with journalism by producing photographs and undertaking layout piece of work. In avant-garde circles, architects, photographers and artists mixed and exchanged ideas. For those committed to autonomy of fine art, this kind of activeness constitutes a denial of the shaping conditions of art and expose of art for propaganda, but the avant-garde were attempting something else – they sought a new social role for art. One manner to explore this debate is by switching from painting and sculpture to architecture and blueprint.

 National, International, Cosmopolitan

Whether holding itself apart from the visual culture of modernity or immersed in it, modern fine art adult non in the world's about powerful economic system (Britain), only in the places that were almost marked past 'uneven and combined development': places where explosive tensions between traditional rural societies and the changes wrought by capitalism were nearly acute (Trotsky, 1962 [1928/1906]). In these locations, people merely recently out of the fields encountered the shocks and pleasures of m-metropolitan cities. Every bit the sociologist of modernity Georg Simmel (1858–1918) suggested: 'the city sets up a deep dissimilarity with pocket-sized-town and rural life with reference to the social foundations of psychic life'. In dissimilarity to the over-stimulation of the senses in the city, Simmel thought that in the rural state of affairs 'the rhythm of life and sensory mental imagery flows more than slowly, more than habitually, and more evenly' (Simmel, 1997 [1903], p. 175). This situation applies kickoff of all to Paris (meet Clark, 1984; Harvey, 2003; Prendergast, 1992). In Paris, the thousand boulevards and new palaces of commercial entertainment went hand in hand with the 'zone', a vast shanty town ringing the city that was occupied by workers and those who eked out a precarious life. Whereas the Impressionists concentrated on the bourgeois metropolis of bars, boulevards and boudoirs, the photographer Eugène Atget (1857–1927) represented the Paris that was disappearing – the medieval city with its winding alleys and one-time iron work – or those working-class quarters equanimous of cheap lodgings and traders recycling worn-out commodities (Nesbit, 1992; see also Benjamin, 1983). This disharmonism of ways of life generated unlike ways of inhabiting and viewing the urban center with form and gender at their cadre. Admission to the modern city and its representations was more than readily available to middle-form men than to those with less social authorisation, whether they were working people, women or minority ethnic or religious groups (Wolff, 1985, pp. 37–46; Pollock, 1988, pp. 50–xc).

Man on a Paris street pulling a two-wheeled handcart loaded with sacks of old rags

Eugène Atget, Chiffonier (Ragpicker), c. 1899–1901. Work is in the public domain.

Contradictions

Before the Second Earth War, the alternative centers of modernism were also key sites of uneven and combined development: Berlin, Budapest, Milan, Moscow and Prague. In these places, big-scale industry was created by traditional elites in order to develop the production capacities required to compete militarily with Great britain. Manufactory product was plopped down into largely agrarian societies, generating massive shocks to social equilibrium. In many ways, Moscow is the archetypal version of this pattern of acute contradictions. Before the 1917 Revolution, Moscow was the site of enormous and upward-to-date factories, including the world's largest engineering found, but was set in a sea of peasant backwardness. This is ane reason that Vladimir Lenin described Russia every bit the weakest link in the international-backer chain.

This set of contradictions put a particular perception of time at the center of modern art. Opposition to the transformations of club that were underway could exist articulated in one of 2 means, and in an of import sense both were fantasy projections: on the ane mitt, artists looked to societies that were seen as more 'primitive' as an antitoxin to the upheavals and shallow glamour of capitalism. On the other hand, they attempted a bound into the future. Both perspectives – Primitivism and Futurism – entailed a profound hostility to the globe as it had really adult, and both orientations were rooted in the conditions of an uneven and combined globe organization.

The vast urban centers – Paris, Berlin, and Moscow – attracted artists, intellectuals, poets and revolutionaries. The interchange between people from different nations bred a class of cultural internationalism. In interwar Paris, artists from Kingdom of spain, Russia, Mexico, Japan and a host of other places rubbed shoulders. Modernist artists attempted to transcend parochial and local weather and create a formal 'language' valid beyond time and place, and 'the school of Paris' or the 'international modern movement' signified a commitment to a culture more capacious and vibrant than anything the word 'national' could contain. The critic Harold Rosenberg (1906–78) stated this theme explicitly. Rejecting the thought that 'national life' could exist a source of inspiration, he suggested that the modernist culture of Paris, was a 'no-place' and a 'no-time' and merely Nazi tanks returned the city to France past wiping out modernist internationalism (Rosenberg, 1970 [1940]).

A Movement to New York

'Possibly for the only time in its history, later on the Second World State of war modernism was positioned at the heart of globe power – when a host of exiles from European fascism and war relocated in New York. American abstract art was centered on New York and a powerful series of institutions: the Museum of Modern Art, Peggy Guggenheim's gallery Art of This Century and a host of small independent galleries run by private dealers (including Betty Parsons, Samuel Koontz and Sidney Janis). In the main, these artists, such equally Jackson Pollock (1912–56), Marking Rothko (1903–70), Arshile Gorky (1904–48), Robert Motherwell (1915–91) and Barnett Newman (1905–70), and associated critics (Greenberg and Rosenberg) were formed during the 1930s in the circles of the New York Left: they were modernist internationalists opposed to US parochialism in art and politics. After the war, they retained this commitment to an international modern art, while the politics tuckered away or was purged in the Cold State of war. The menstruum of US hegemony in mod fine art coincided with the optimum involvement in democratic class and pure 'optical' feel. This was the time when artists working in the modernist idiom were least interested in articulating epochal changes and nearly focused on art every bit an human action of private realization and a singular come across between the viewer and the artwork. At the same fourth dimension, these artists continued to keep their altitude from mainstream American values and mass culture. Some champions of democratic art are inclined to think art came to a shuddering halt with the end of the New York Schoolhouse. Alternatively, we can come across Conceptual Fine art equally initiating or reinvigorating a new phase of mod fine art that continues in the global art of today.

Information technology should be apparent from this brief sketch that the predominant ways of thinking nearly modern art have focused on a handful of international centers and national schools – even when artists and critics proclaim their allegiance to internationalism. The title of Irving Sandler'south bookThe Triumph of American Painting is one telling symptom (Sandler, 1970). There is a story about geopolitics – about the relationship between the due west and the balance – embedded in the history of modern art. These powerful forms of modernism cannot exist swept aside, but increasingly critics and art historians are paying attending to other stories; to the artworks made in other places and in other ways, and which were sidelined in the dominant accounts of art'due south development. A focus on fine art in a globalized art world leads to revising the national stories told nearly modernism. This history is currently being recast as a process of global interconnections rather than an exclusively western-centered chronicle, and commentators are becoming more than circumspect to encounters and interchanges between westerners and people from what has helpfully been called the 'majority globe', in art as in other matters. This term – majority earth – was used by the Bangladeshi lensman Shahidul Alam, to describe what the term 'third globe' had once designated. Nosotros employ it here to characterize those people and places located outside centers of western affluence and power; they constitute the vast majority of the world's inhabitants and this reminds united states that western experience is a minority condition and non the norm.

The Local and the Global

The reality is not that the majority earth will be transformed into a high-tech consumer paradise. In fact, inequality is increasing across the world. What is referred to as globalization is the most recent phase of uneven and combined evolution. The new clash of hypermodern and traditional forms of economic activity and social life are taking identify next; megacities spring up aslope the 'planet of slums', and communication technologies play an important office in this clash of space and fourth dimension. Recent debates on globalization and art involve a rejection of modernist internationalism; instead, artists and art historians are engaged with local conditions of artistic production and the way these mesh in an international organisation of global art making. Modern fine art is currently being remade and rethought every bit a series of much more varied responses to contemporaneity around the earth. Artists at present draw on particular local experiences, and as well on forms of representation from pop traditions. Date with Japanese pop prints played an important role in Impressionism, only in recent years this sort of cultural crossing has undergone an explosion.

Drawing local prototype cultures into the international spaces of mod art has once again shifted the character of fine art. The paradox is that the cultural means that are existence employed – video fine art, installation, large color photographs and then forth – seem genuinely international. Walk into many of the large exhibitions around the globe and you will run across artworks referring to particular geopolitical conditions, just employing remarkably like conventions and techniques. This cosmopolitanism risks underestimating the real forces shaping the world; connection and mobility for some international artists goes hand in hand with uprootedness and the destruction of habitat and ways of life for others.

Part 4: Some Gimmicky Theories Defining Art

Many have argued that it is a mistake to even effort to define art or beauty, that they have no essence, and so can have no definition.

Campbell's_Tomato_Juice_Box._1964._Synthetic_polymer_paint_and_silkscreen_ink_on_wood

Campbell'south Tomato plant Juice Box, 1964, Andy Warhol, Constructed polymer pigment and silkscreen ink on forest, x inches x 19 inches x 9 ane/2 inches (25.4 10 48.3 x 24.1 cm), Museum of Modern Art, New York. © 2007 Andy Warhol Foundation / Fair Use

Andy Warhol exhibited wooden sculptures of Brillo Boxes equally fine art.

One contemporary approach is to say that "art" is basically a sociological category that whatever art schools and museums, and artists get away with is considered art regardless of formal definitions. This institutional theory of art has been championed by George Dickie. Most people did not consider a store-bought urinal or a sculptural depiction of a Brillo Box to be art until Marcel Duchamp and Andy Warhol (respectively) placed them in the context of art (due east.g., the art gallery), which then provided the association of these objects with the values that define fine art.

Proceduralists often suggest that it is the process past which a work of fine art is created or viewed that makes information technology, art, not any inherent feature of an object, or how well received information technology is by the institutions of the art world later its introduction to order at large. For John Dewey, for instance, if the writer intended a piece to exist a poem, it is 1 whether other poets acknowledge it or not. Whereas if exactly the aforementioned set of words was written by a journalist, intending them as shorthand notes to help him write a longer article after, these would not be a poem.

Leo Tolstoy, on the other hand, claims that what makes something art or not is how information technology is experienced by its audience (audience context), not by the intention of its creator.

Functionalists, like Monroe Beardsley argue that whether a slice counts as fine art depends on what role information technology plays in a detail context. For instance, the aforementioned Greek vase may play a non-artistic function in one context (carrying wine), and an artistic function in another context (helping the states to capeesh the beauty of the homo figure).

 Controversy around Conceptual Art

The work of the French artist Marcel Duchamp from the 1910s and 1920s paved the manner for the conceptual artists, providing them with examples of prototypically conceptual works (the readymades, for case) that defied previous categorizations of fine art. Conceptual art, where the idea is as important every bit the prototype/object, emerged every bit a motion during the 1960s. The first wave of the "conceptual fine art" move extended from approximately 1967 to 1978. Early on "concept" artists like Henry Flynt, Robert Morris, and Ray Johnson influenced the later, widely accustomed motility of conceptual artists like Dan Graham, Hans Haacke, and Douglas Huebler.

More recently, the "Young British Artists" (YBAs), led by Damien Hirst, came to prominence in the 1990s and their work is seen as conceptual, even though it relies very heavily on the fine art object to make its impact. The term is used in relation to them on the basis that the object is not the artwork, or is oft a found object, which has not needed artistic skill in its production.

Recent Examples of Conceptual Fine art

  • 1991: Charles Saatchi funds Damien Hirst and the side by side year in the Saatchi Gallery exhibits his The Concrete Impossibility of Death in the Listen of Someone Living, a existent shark in a tank formaldehyde.
  • 1999: Tracey Emin is nominated for the Turner Prize. Office of her showroom is My Bed, her messy bed, surrounded by detritus such as condoms, claret-stained panties, bottles and her bedchamber slippers.
  • 2001: Martin Creed wins the Turner Prize for The Lights Going On and Off, an empty room where the lights get on and off.
  • 2002: Miltos Manetas confronts the Whitney Biennial with his Whitneybiennial.com.
  • 2005: Simon Starling wins the Turner Prize for Shedboatshed, a wooden shed which he had turned into a gunkhole, floated down the Rhine River and turned back into a shed again.

The Stuckist group of artists, founded in 1999, proclaimed themselves "pro-gimmicky figurative painting with ideas and anti-conceptual art, mainly because of its lack of concepts." They also called it pretentious, "unremarkable and wearisome" and on July 25, 2002, in a demonstration, deposited a coffin outside the White Cube gallery, marked "The Death of Conceptual Fine art". In 2003, the Stuckism International Gallery exhibited a preserved shark under the title A Dead Shark Isn't Art, clearly referencing the Damien Hirst piece of work

In 2002, Ivan Massow, the Chairman of the Plant of Contemporary Arts branded conceptual fine art "pretentious, self-indulgent, craftless" and in "danger of disappearing upward its own arse …". Massow was consequently forced to resign.

Disputes nearly New Media

Computer games date back equally far equally 1947, although they did not reach much of an audience until the 1970s. Information technology would be difficult and odd to deny that figurer and video games include many kinds of art (bearing in listen, of class, that the concept "art" itself is, equally indicated, open up to a variety of definitions). The graphics of a video game constitute digital art, graphic art, and probably video art; the original soundtrack of a video game clearly constitutes music. Nevertheless it is a point of debate whether the video game as a whole should be considered a piece of fine art of some kind, maybe a form of interactive fine art.

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Source: https://courses.lumenlearning.com/atd-sac-artappreciation/chapter/oer-1/

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